The Myth of Dallas: New Revelations

As the second printing of the sixth edition of Final Judgment was being readied for press, a detailed 19-page anonymously written document, cited with 115 footnotes, relying on a wide variety of mainstream sources, arrived in the mailbox of Final Judgment author Michael Collins Piper. The document was in an envelope (with no return address) postmarked "Dallas, Texas." Entitled "The Kennedy Assassination and Israel: Some Dallas Connections," the document—apparently the work of a professional journalist—focused on "the specifics of how the Israelis could have influenced the events in Dallas," filling in details never explored in previous editions of Final Judgment. The data is quite explosive, particularly when contrasted with the mythology regarding "Big D" repeated ad infinitum in JFK literature. However, understanding the real Dallas—not the city of legend and of Hollywood drama—prepares one for the revelations laid forth in Final Judgment.

. . .The document buries the tired old myth that a clique of anti-Semitic White Anglo-Saxon Protestant oil plutocrats ruled Dallas. Instead, the truth is quite the opposite. Not only did Dallas have an immensely powerful Jewish community, but, more importantly, the city (and Texas) had been a major center of fundraising and arms smuggling on behalf of the Zionist cause, going back to the 1940s. Even Jonathan Pollard, the American spy for Israel, said he was inspired to pro-Israel activism by stories he heard (while living in Texas) of gunrunning for the Israeli underground by Jews in Texas. In fact, the official published history of a major Zionist arms smuggling operation, the Sonneborn Institute, reports its agents smuggled aircraft parts out of Texas to Israel. This was happening when a then recently discharged Army Air Corps aircraft mechanic, Jack Ruby, was re-settling in Dallas in 1947, the year prior to Israel's birth, when Sonneborn's activities were at a zenith. Ruby bragged of having run arms to Israel and, in 1963, is now known to have part of an arms smuggling operation overseen by an Israeli intelligence officer. So the Israeli connection to Texas was a lot more intimate than many today ever realized.

. . .In 1963, JFK's primary interest in Dallas was raising money from the Dallas elite, and that meant the wealthy pro-Israel Jewish Democrats who were major financial angels for the ruling Democratic Party there. And since JFK was, at that time, at loggerheads with Israel over its nuclear arms program, it is critical to recognize how JFK was lured to Dallas and who was in charge of the arrangements that actually facilitated his assassination. And while it is well known that the Dallas leg of JFK's Texas trip was sponsored by the Citizens Council (CC), the elite business group that ruled Dallas, the little-noticed evidence shows that two of the three key figures who dominated the CC were Jewish—not "WASPs," as the legend of Dallas would have it. These were the folks who really ran Dallas, not the conservatives affiliated with the John Birch Society, as the old myth suggests. In 1963, one of those Jewish power brokers was an outspokenly pro-Israel liquor wholesaler, Julius Schepps, who held the distribution rights in Dallas for the Bronfman family's Seagram's products. And as we shall see, there is evidence that Jack Ruby was on the payroll of the Bronfman family, whose fingerprints are to be found all over the JFK assassination conspiracy.

. . .The means by which the Dallas elite gained control of JFK's Dallas trip agenda is interesting. Since JFK's Dallas trip was officially designated as "non political"—in contrast to other Texas stops such as Houston and Austin which were designated as "political"—the private entities paying for the Dallas trip gained control of the planning (taking it out of the hands of the JFK-­controlled Democratic National Committee). The CC designated a "host committee." The chairman was Dallas Jewish leader and public relations man, Sam Bloom, the CC's longtime executive director, and—in retrospect—one of the least known but most pivotal figures in world history.


. . .There was an immediate confrontation between Bloom, representing the Dallas elite, and Jerry Bruno, JFK's veteran advance man. Bruno wanted the president to speak at the Women's Building, but the rulers of Dallas insisted JFK speak at the Trade Mart. Although Bruno fought long and hard, after much pressure, the Dallas elite prevailed, causing the JFK loyalist to comment that "this was one of the few fights like this that I had lost. On things like this my judgment was usually taken. This time it wasn't."

. . .By forcing JFK to speak at the Trade Mart, the Dallas elite positioned the JFK motorcade to take the now-infamous "dog-leg" turn into what was a classically sniper-friendly "kill zone" on Elm Street just below the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD), from where it later was claimed the alleged assassin, TSBD employee Lee Harvey Oswald, fired the fatal shots. The spot was also in easy range of the "grassy knoll" and the nearby Dal-Tex Building, where assassination researchers believe snipers were located. Had JFK's advance man prevailed—as he usually did—JFK (on his way to the preferred location) would have traveled two blocks farther away from the TSBD—out of the kill zone—at a greater speed.

. . .Although the Secret Service objected (for security reasons) to the publication of JFK's motorcade route, Bloom (the point man for the Dallas elite) nonetheless made sure a map of the route was repeatedly published in Dallas papers. Thus, later, when the "patsy" was in custody, there was a plausible explanation as to how he knew JFK would pass by his workplace.

. . .That an assassin quite probably fired on JFK from the Dal-Tex Building is most relevant in the context of an Israeli connection. Co-owned by David Weisblat, a major financial backer of the Israeli lobby's Anti-Defamation League, Dal-Tex housed, on different floors, a number of firms that utilized the telephone number of Morty Freedman, an attorney, garment manufacturer, and activist in Jewish affairs. Since JFK was working to stop Israel's nuclear arms program—which received smuggled uranium from U.S. sources—it is notable that one Dal-Tex firm linked to Freedman was the Dallas Uranium & Oil Company. It is also intriguing that one of Freedman's Dal-Tex business partners was Abe Zapruder, the Jewish dress manufacturer who filmed the assassination and profited immensely. Today there are some who now believe Zapruder had advance knowledge of the assassination.

. . .Once the accused assassin was in custody, it was—you guessed it—Sam Bloom, who had earlier maneuvered JFK into the kill zone, who pressured Elgin Crull, the city manager, to in turn pressure Dallas Police Chief Jesse Curry into making Oswald accessible to the press and to move him publicly from the Dallas police station to the city jail. Thus, the situation was in place for Jack Ruby to move in for the kill. There are several sources, including Dallas FBI agent James Hosty, who stated Bloom and his backers were the forces behind this. When the police searched Ruby's home, they found a slip of paper with Bloom's name, address and telephone number on it.

. . .So it is that the Dallas myth comes to an end. This will be painful for those who thought the city an anti-Jewish stronghold, ripe for Nazi revolution. Instead, Dallas was actually an outpost for the advancement of the interests of Israel and today it very much remains so.

. . .Although Walt Brown suggested in Treachery in Dallas that the city's elite were prime movers behind the events of November 22, 1963, he rushed to write elsewhere that the JFK assassination "wasn't done by Mossad . . . as some would have us believe" (referring to Final Judgment). However, in light of the "Big Picture of Big D"—details Brown ignored (or suppressed) in terms of their ultimate (and critical) context—it's time for real JFK assassination truth seekers to take a new look at Final Judgment.

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