Handpicked Dmitry Medvedev supports Former president’s policy on Oligarchy Despite the implication of what “Russian roulette” entails—a fool’s game of chance with death—there is nothing suicidal about what the ruling elite in Russia is planning. No better proof exists than the election of Dmitry Medvedev as president. Long considered to be Vladimir Putin’s protégé, Medvedev secured over 70% of the vote March 2. He has vowed to continue with “the Putin Plan” which simply means a tough stance when dealing with western/Zionist interests that want to bring Russia under the thumb of the New World Order. Following the election, Medvedev said his policies would be “a direct continuation of that path which was carried out and is being carried out by President Putin.” There were protests by disgruntled candidates and groups long alleged to be creatures of western intelligence agencies aligned with or working for the U.S., Britain, Israel’s Mossad or all three. But the general mood in Russia is one of victory and confidence. Within minutes of the announcement that Medvedev was the projected winner, large groups of Russians marched through Moscow toward the U.S. Embassy to criticize American policies in Kosovo, Iraq and the Muslim world. There is good reason for a festive mood. Medvedev is seen as something of an adopted son to Putin, who himself is wildly popular for his no-nonsense approach when it comes to Russia’s national interests. Putin is credited with pulling Russia out of the post Soviet-era corruption that marked the heyday of Boris Yeltsin’s drunken and compromised presidency. He nationalized industries that had been bled dry by unscrupulous predators holding dual citizenship in Israel and funneled the proceeds into the Russian economy. He raised the standard of living for virtually all Russians and paid off the debt to the International Monetary Fund. As a result Russia, flush with cash profits from her oil and gas sales, is now posting a surplus of over half a trillion dollars. No newcomer to politics or to Putin’s agenda, Medvedev served under the former KGB colonel as chief of staff, first deputy prime minister and then chairman of the state-controlled gas industry, Gazprom. Given the thirst for fuel in industrialized Western Europe as well as in those Eastern European countries making up the former Soviet Union, Gazprom’s importance cannot be overstated. Economically speaking, it is like a loaded gun pointed at the industrial engines of those countries lying to Russia’s west. Putin has used Russia’s control over these resources as political leverage with countries dependent upon her for this commodity and has exacted political concessions from them by using it. That policy will continue under Medvedev. The new president has asked Putin to remain in government as prime minister and Putin has accepted. Although a post with diminished powers from those of the president, it still affords Putin the opportunity of remaining on the scene and personally overseeing the business taking place in Russia’s legislative body, the Duma. In parliamentary elections late last year, Putin’s “United Russia” party secured close to 80% of the seats. With a friendly parliament under his watch as premier, new legislation could be written greatly expanding the powers of Putin’s newly acquired office. Putin will be an important advisor to Medvedev. As demonstrated throughout centuries of history, advisors often have as much or more influence than elected official officials. And, should anything unexpected happen, such as Medvedev deciding that the responsibilities and rigors of his new job are too much, a new election would take place in which Putin could legally run for a new term. The Russian constitution only bars a person from holding the office of the presidency more than twice consecutively. In terms of foreign policy, Putin compared George Bush to a “maniac threatening people with a razor” and Medvedev said the president was “semi-senile.” Both men understand the nature of predators and it can be expected that the new president and his right-hand man in the Duma will continue to pour Russia’s growing wealth into modernizing her armed forces so that the world’s largest country possessing some of the world’s largest natural reserves does not go the way of Iraq and Afghanistan. Western nations will attempt to worm their way into the Medvedev presidency through a combination of threats, bribes, flatteries and insults as they try to reclaim what has been lost under the Putin presidency. This appears doomed to fail, as the power base in Russia is diffuse, yet united in its will to survive. Mark Glen
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